D Hart

When I entered seminary in 1979, American evangelicals were still fighting over inerrancy. But then Ronald Reagan happened. The GOP figured a way to capitalize on the God vote, and evangelicals gave up the Battle for the Bible to fight the culture wars.
As A Secular Faith argues in the introduction, the surge of believers into the naked public square raised a host of constitutional questions about the separation of church and state. Journalists and academics were squeamish about the influence of religion on politics. But that initial wariness quickly changed into an open embrace of faith-based politics. For some it was simply a case of “things go better with God.” For others it was a fact beyond dispute that the Constitution did not exclude religious voices from the electoral process.
Pretty much ignored in the constitutional discussions was the Christian one: What does the Lord require politically of his followers? The prevailing assumption since 1990 has been that believers have a duty to be involved in American politics, and if they don’t they will be guilty of abandoning public life to the godless.
What A Secular Faith proposes to do is examine a set of assumptions about religion and American politics held primarily by Protestants. The book examines eight of these assumptions, identifies them with important historical figures, from John Winthrop and John Witherspoon to Martin Luther King, Jr., and George W. Bush, and shows how they developed among American Protestants as these believers tried to defend and maintain a Christian America.
The first chapter accordingly begins with John Winthrop’s appeal to the biblical refrain of a “city on a hill” and examines the eschatology that has informed American Protestant appeals to their nation’s providential role in human history. The problem, as I see it, is that a flawed eschatology has resulted in two significant errors. The first is an identification of God’s redemptive purposes with the U.S.A. Although many Reformed Christians know better than to equate the U.S.A. with Israel, many Presbyterians do think of America in religious categories that fail to do justice to sovereignty and legitimacy of other nation-states, as if America were better because of its Christian heritage. A second and more important error has been to undervalue the institutional church as the locus of God’s saving work. Because of sufficiency of Christ’s ministry, God’s redemptive purposes are now being carried out not by Israel (or any nation) but by the church, a trans-national and spiritual institution.
This does not appear to me to be a very controversial argument for anyone who has imbibed the redemptive historical insights of a Geerhardus Vos or a John Murray. And yet, recognizing that God’s saving work is now spiritual and not physical, ecclesiological and not civil, is a proposition that does not sit well with Protestants who continue to think in some way of America as a Christian nation. (I’d prefer that we not get too hung up on the spiritual-physical distinction, as if I’m a gnostic. I do believe in the importance and goodness of the physical world and the human body, and do recognize that the church has physical dimensions such as bread and wine, baptismal water, pages of the Word, and diaconal ministry, not to mention state laws that allow churches in America not to pay taxes.)
So one important question to consider at the outset of this diablog is this: to what extent does eschatology determine one’s understanding of the relationship between church and state? Is the idea of a Christian America a hangover of postmillennial optimism (with premillennialism being the pessimistic flipside)? In other words, is the spirituality of the church (a topic to be discussed more fully in later weeks) merely the logical consequence of amillennialism?